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Read it in English at Sul Books, here . Texto por Mirna Wabi-Sabi, fotos por Fabio Teixeira Tartarugas são criaturas majestosas. Por diversos motivos, elas se tornaram ícones da longevidade. Primeiramente, elas sobreviveram o evento que causou a extinção em massa dos dinossauros. Hoje, elas podem viver por mais de um século. Podem viver, não – deveriam poder viver. A civilização humana está essencialmente por trás de tudo que as ameaça. Poluição de diversos tipos, empreendimentos imobiliários, tráfego marítimo, pesca industrial, elevação do nível do mar e eventos climáticos extremos causados pelo aquecimento global, perda de habitat, erosão de solos praianos e o dano inimaginável dos vazamentos de petróleo nos oceanos parecem ser mais avassaladores do que um cometa ou asteroide gigantesco atirado contra a Terra. Durante milhares de anos, civilizações humanas em todos os continentes têm adorado a figura da tartaruga. Mais de 35 mil anos  atrás ela já era venerada no cerne da Ásia Ocidental (o Levante), sendo considerada o símbolo religioso mais antigo em uma das sociedades mais antigas da nossa história. E até mero meio século atrás, a América do Norte era conhecida como a Ilha da Tartaruga  por povos indígenas locais. A deterioração da mitologia, lenda e folclore centrados em entidades da natureza é recente, mas perdem espaço ferozmente para os que centram as grandes indústrias e empreendimentos globais. O paradigma cultural que surge com a industrialização não parece se preocupar com a longevidade humana ou mais-que-humana, e isso não pode permanecer realidade. Na praia de Itaipu, em Niterói–RJ, o projeto Aruanã há 15 anos monitora tartarugas marinhas no entorno da Baía de Guanabara. Para as biólogas, colaboradores, voluntários e apoiadores deste projeto, está claro que a prosperidade das tartarugas é inseparável da prosperidade humana. Esse animal exerce um papel amplo no equilíbrio do ecossistema natural desse planeta, do qual nós fazemos parte e dependemos para sobreviver. Ou seja, o declínio da tartaruga como espécie desencadeia uma sequência de danos nos ecossistemas marinhos, que por sua vez prejudicam a nossa subsistência. Diversas coisas podem ser feitas para proteger as tartarugas além de denunciar e demandar que grandes indústrias parem de poluir e destruir o habitat delas. Para indivíduos como nós, sem posições de total poder de decisão em multinacionais e corporações, é possível reduzir o consumo de plástico, e quando há consumo dele, reciclar, para garantir que esse resíduo não acabe nos oceanos. A sede do projeto Aruanã em Itaipu recebe embalagens descartáveis limpas de plástico reciclável e esponjas usadas para garantir que o destino desses resíduos não cause danos futuros nos oceanos. Uma iniciativa ainda mais simples e acessível para a população geral é o que o Aruanã chama de “Ciência Cidadã.” Ao observar uma tartaruga em algum lugar, viva ou morta, você pode tirar uma foto e enviar para eles  com local, data e horário. Com esses dados, a equipe da organização monitora o ciclo de vida dessas criaturas, assim identificando desafios e obstáculos que elas enfrentam para completar esse ciclo. Esse ano, o Aruanã renovou seu contrato de financiamento com o Programa Petrobras Socioambiental, e poderá dar início a um novo projeto – o de rastreamento de tartarugas marinhas por satélite (Telemetria Satelital). Com essa tecnologia, será possível acompanhar os padrões migratórios de diversas tartarugas com precisão e eficácia. Para as biólogas do projeto, é sempre emocionante quando uma tartaruga é encontrada novamente, anos depois, numa região distante de onde ela foi primeiramente registrada. Não só porque as chances são pequenas de as encontrar nos vastos oceanos, mas também porque é gratificante ver e registrar evidência de sua prosperidade. Hoje, a identificação de tartarugas pode ser feita pelo número em suas tags , ou pelo desenho das escamas em suas cabeças, que exercem a função de impressões digitais. Com Telemetria Satelital, dados preciosos podem ser coletados sobre locais e temperaturas preferidas  das tartarugas, e como essas regiões interagem com o comportamento humano. Para a tartaruga-verde, por exemplo, que conforme o Instituto Chico Mendes  de Conservação da Biodiversidade “é a única espécie que se reproduz nas ilhas oceânicas brasileiras,” evidências científicas irrefutáveis podem ser registradas sobre elas. Essas evidências podem, por sua vez, ser usadas para “ facilitar o estabelecimento de acordos  multinacionais para a conservação.” Sabemos que alcançar acordos, como os que serão discutidos na COP30 em Belém, e garantir que eles sejam cumpridos no nível institucional e global são desafios esmagadores, por isso cumprir acordos entre nós mesmos e nossas comunidades é um primeiro passo alcançável. Os oceanos não se submetem ao desejo das indústrias, ou das restrições de fronteiras estatais. O que acontece neles é responsabilidade de toda a humanidade. Como membros dessa humanidade, temos o poder ajudar a forjá-la. Enfrentar ameaças antropogênicas aos locais cruciais no ciclo de vida de animais como a tartaruga não só é salubre para a humanidade, é também fundamental para não desencadearmos nosso próprio evento de extinção em massa. O projeto Aruanã faz um trabalho detalhado de coleta e sistematização de dados, desenvolvimento de pesquisas acadêmicas na área de biologia marinha e sustentabilidade, e também de engajar a população local no que eles chamam de “preocupação ambiental relacionada ao ambiente marinho.” Se ‘preocupar’ nada mais é do que fomentar uma narrativa coletiva, comunitária, que visa estimular a prosperidade da flora e fauna no nosso canto do planeta, também porque somos parte dessa fauna. Os avanços tecnológicos e econômicos que testemunhamos nesse último século não precisam se tornar apenas uma fonte de aniquilação ambiental, onde o consumo e descarte só aumentam infinitamente, sem visão de impactos no longo termo. Se a tartaruga nos ensina algo, é que a longevidade é alcançada em pequenos passos decisivos. E todos os dias fazemos escolhas impactantes. Os “Objetivos do Desenvolvimento Sustentável” (ODS) da ONU, especialmente o ODS 14 – “Vida na Água” –, reforçam a urgência de conservarmos e engajarmos com os oceanos de forma sustentável ao longo termo. A proteção das tartarugas marinhas se insere nesse esforço global, nos lembrando que não há futuro possível para os humanos sem o bem-estar ecológico. Projetos como o Aruanã demonstram que, mesmo diante de desafios globais avassaladores, ações locais e cotidianas são fundamentais e eficazes. A tartaruga simboliza a necessidade de desacelerar o consumo, refletir e agir com responsabilidade, sem perder de vista que a mudança é feita, sobretudo, por aqueles que insistem em trilhar o caminho da preservação da natureza. Ao proteger as tartarugas, estamos, na verdade, defendendo a possibilidade de um futuro saudável para todos, onde a natureza possa existir em equilíbrio. Que a humanidade se inspire a seguir a mesma determinação silenciosa das tartarugas, rumo a um planeta mais saudável e digno. Fotos tiradas dia 20 de maio, 2025, na praia de Itaipu, Niterói-RJ, por Fabio Teixeira, do Projeto Aruanã . Fotos tiradas dia 15 de maio, 2025, na Praia da Ilha do Governador, por Fabio Teixeira, do grupo Orla Sem Lixo . Fotos tiradas dia 21 de abril, 2025, na Praia da Ilha do Governador, por Fabio Teixeira, da ecobarreira no canal do cunha .

The Armed Forces waging war against civilians. The Armed Forces War doesn’t happen the way it used to last century. It has evolved into hybrid forms , and it has found new ways to hush up misconduct and facts in general. We might not see the weapons or the soldiers, but every aspect of our lives is affected by the work these people do. Every time we travel, or buy imported food; actually, every time we identify ourselves as having a nationality, it’s because of them. Military defense institutions are the reason why States exist , why borders matter, why we speak a certain language, and why we can’t simply put up a tent at the beach. Still, military presence can become even more prominent in daily life, and during supposedly peaceful times. The possibility of a military regime in Brazil has been floating around in conversation since before Bolsonaro’s presidency. He has notoriously defended the military dictatorship of the 60s, and the man who was responsible for the torture of Dilma, Brazil’s first female president, during this regime. He was a military officer during the dictatorship, and said he wouldn’t accept the outcome of the Presidential election if he didn’t win – Recently admitting to having considered military intervention in 2022. In his 27 years in congress, Rio de Janeiro was a target of 36 Armed Forces operations . The first one in Rio, in 92, was also the first in the country. The cases when the AF are used to control the Brazilian population are called GLO’s, ‘Guarantee of Law and Order.’ Of the total directed at 'urban violence,' 43% happened in Rio. While most other states had 0, seven states had 1, and three had 2 – Rio had 10 (Not counting 1 operation that had 15 phases). Now that he has been president, the hyper militarization of Rio was expected to spread throughout Brazil. There are some predictable implications to military presence in civil scope in terms of public safety, and 'law and order.' The military are used as cops, the public perception of crime drastically changes, and the privatization of prisons makes it all highly profitable. Misogyny Women have been introduced into the AF only recently . There was particular pressure for this to happen during Dilma’s presidency, as there were no high-ranking women yet. When Dilma was impeached, in 2016, the wife of the man who took her place was praised for being “ beautiful, modest, and of the home .” These are passive-aggressive methods to keep women in the domestic realm (and in this case out of the absolute highest office in the country), but there are aggressive methods as well, visible in the consistently alarming figures of hate crimes against women and LGBTQ people . Introducing women into the AF might not be the solution to sexism, but it could bring quick and significant changes to the lives of marginalized women to whom interaction with the AF is inevitable, as well as to the culture within the institution. The demilitarization of humanitarian aid and health resources must follow. And to ensure the long-lasting effects of public health efforts, homelessness must effectively end, with stable housing and running water being provided to all. The first solution is only quicker because it has already been discussed for a few decades, and the change has still happened slowly. While the other solutions unfortunately haven't significantly entered the realm of consideration in public discourse. In 2011, a study was published on the insertion of women into the Navy. This is the opinion of an officer about how this change has been: “Sometimes we see that, because of the co-existence of men and women in the Navy, there are involvements between female officials and soldiers, and officials and female soldiers.  […] I’m referring to intimate extramarital relations, that the man should be looking for out there, and ends up looking for inside the Navy. [… T]he women [also] introduced another language. There are words that are in the Naval tradition, and a lot of things changed […].” – Story on page 90 of a 2011 paper called “ Public Policy of Gender: Inserting women in the Brazilian Navy as soldiers .” It was difficult to pick one quote to analyze; this paper is filled with uncomfortable sexist remarks veiled as not-sexist because they are delivered as compliments or as straight-forward facts. For instance, “it’s great to have women in the Navy because the work environment is much tidier and cleaner” (p. 91), as if one great thing women have to offer is their inclination toward domestic work. This attitude completely ignores the oppressive socio-political conjuncture that has caused women to perceive domestic duties as their (unpaid) responsibility, while the man goes out to do the real (paid) work. The environment is also much “gentler,” “studious,” there is less cursing, and males need to watch their “vulgar language.” Aside from the fact that they find the presence of women in bathing suits “embarrassing” during physical training. Women officials and soldiers are specified as female, while the male ones are omitted and implied. This highlights masculinism as traditional. Maleness is specified only when describing sex as something 'men' look for. As such, treating sex as something men do to women, symbolic of rape culture. “Extramarital” and “out there” are alarming terms that call for urgent and thorough research on how these men treat local women in the regions they settle in for work. If rape culture emanates from a language that is considered traditional, we cannot ignore how this language reveals an attitude that might be acted upon at any moment. Unfortunately, there are no figures or data regarding sexual misconduct by soldiers and officials, only endless stories of men cheating on their wives. Lack of Data There is lack of data regarding sexual assault, harassment, and other gender based moral attacks perpetrated by members of the Brazilian AF. In a report from a meeting of the  Gender Commission of the Ministry of Defense  ( GCMD ) in April 2015, a representative of the  Secretariat of Personnel and Education  states that there is no formal registry of assault cases because the “'system' tends to hush up facts that occurred.” Soon after, a male representative of the  Institutional Organization Secretariat  says that it’s important to establish the purpose of this sort of research, and to manage the expectation of results. He claims to have done the research, finding insignificant numbers of cases, some of which include men as the actual victims. Therefore, he expressed concern for the tendency towards hollow “denunciationism,” meanwhile ignoring more than one person’s affirmation that there are no figures on the topic (and no other clear explanation for why that is). This year, a female Naval lawyer explained to me that these figures don’t exist because they are considered personal information processed by the courts; inside the AF, only Intelligence personnel  has these reports. In other words, reports and figures exist, but in secrecy . On this topic, the public dialogue screams of masquerade, especially when it ends admitting that these meetings are a response to the pressure posed by International Relations to meet standards of gender equality. A Minister’s closing statement described Sweden denying diplomatic agreements with Saudi Arabia over the issue of Women’s Rights. Meaning, one must not damage diplomatic relationships with western countries for lagging in this matter, and Islamophobia is a convenient veil for machismo. The same meeting fostered a debate over the use of the word “equity,” since some worried that it might be taken too literally; as in the expectation of 50/50 participation of men and women in the AF. Would that be so bad? To them yes, because that would mean replacing meritocracy with some type of affirmative action – as if women have had the choice of entering the AF, and when so, have had the psychological will to be molded into a violently masculine environment where not even the facilities are  designed to accommodate  them. The GCMD still assures that female spaces are only granted within a system of meritocracy ( 2017 ). What this means is not so much that women can enter when they are qualified and valuable, but instead when they have effectively lived up to the existing (male) standards that were established by Military institutions 200 years ago. Meritocracy is nothing more than an excuse to marginalize, in this case, women. Their meeting records from 2014 already reveal subtle clashes between the ‘talking about’ women’s issues versus actual female participation in these talks. A colonel announced the workshop The Protection of Women in UN Peace Operations and Maintenance , which was about how to protect a local female population during “peace” missions. However, there were no more spots available for members of the GCMD, which lead a female Tenant, member of the Superior School of War , to immediately lay out the embarrassingly low percentage of women in the educational institution (18%). Usually these low percentages are blamed on the fact that women only sign up for the Army voluntarily, while for Brazilian men it’s compulsory. All long-term Army carriers are voluntary; men are under no obligation to serve more than a year, and the fact that these 9-12 months are compulsory for men only ensures the masculine predominance in the field. Colonialism “Ribeirinha women are easy, but opportunistic, and go after child’s pension. So, make sure not to impregnate them. Don’t even leave the condom laying around – flush it down.” A line officer from the Navy told me about this advice given to newcomers of the 9th, 6th and 4th Naval districts of Brazil – Advice about hushing up evidence of sexual misconduct while off duty. The line officer also told me that he’s seen co-workers spend over 20 thousand reais on a weekend “partying” with local women. Some live extravagant lives in impoverished areas and enjoy being sought after for their wealth. These districts include the most vulnerable population of the country, and also the highest number of indigenous peoples; it includes the Amazonian state, and where the Amazon River meets the ocean. There, river-side populations, called  Ribeirinhos , are considered Indigenous or Quilombola. Main headquarters and bases of the Brazilian Navy (Wiki-Commons Russia). The Navy, as an institution formed during an explicitly colonial period, to this day normalizes the sexual exploitation of women of color (Indigenous and of the African diaspora). Even if sexual assault happened and got reported, neither the perpetrator nor the authorities hearing the case would come close to interpreting it from a perspective any other than one plagued by toxic masculinity and colonialism. “It’s an advice that shows the normalization of sexual abuse often in power over the most vulnerable. The dehumanisation of these women in describing them as opportunistic disregards how their life-conditions have been deeply shaped by ongoing exploitation.” – Jördis Spengler, sociologist. The “Protection of Women in UN Peace Operations” workshop from 2014 seems to not have been fruitful up to now. Could it be because it was predominantly led by, and attended by, men? Have these meetings, groups, or sub-institutional acronyms made significant advances in Women’s welfare in this century, or do they exist as no more than an international relations facade displayed for the West? Prepotency The Maria da Penha Primer , a 40-page informative guide on a groundbreaking law aimed at addressing domestic violence in Brazil, highlights 'prepotency' as a significant trait of a perpetrator. AF members are often drawn to the position precisely because of the power and influence it provides, not just through access to intimidating heavy artillery, but also in terms of prestige, wealth, authority, and access to highly exclusive physical locations. In Brazil, the Armed Forces not only uphold the State's sovereignty but also play a role in civilian control. A large portion of the police force is already militarized, and the Military is also called upon for support in special situations, known as GLOs. Often, these operations involve land and resources, and are directed against populations in favelas, indigenous communities, quilombos, and during protests. The sovereignty of the favela and its population; The access of Indigenous and Quilombist communities to forests, mangroves, rivers, and other sources essential for their spiritual, cultural, and practical needs; Individuals expressing their views and frustrations by protesting in urban areas; All of these are deemed threats to the State and justify waging war on civilians. Article 331 of the penal code grants these armed authorities the power to criminalize contempt. Given that contempt is a vague concept, it allows officers and soldiers to detain individuals for any perceived antagonism. Disobeying their commands is considered an attack on the 'State function,' potentially leading to up to 2 years of imprisonment. If the act was politically motivated, it might be classified as terrorism. This demonstrates their enhanced power and influence, which characterizes prepotency. While this on its own doesn't establish any wrongdoing, it emphasizes the urgent requirement for gender education among members of defense institutions. It mirrors a culture within the AF and highlights the difficulty of transforming this culture within such a strict setting. The Center for Strategic Studies of Defense (CEED), an international and relatively autonomous initiative, started researching the role of women in the Latin American defense sector around 2015. As of now, the outcome remains uncertain, as does the Brazilian defense ministry's willingness to participate . It seems the research questions already called for significant action. Section 5  of the form , focused on Work Environment , inquires about the presence of an office for women's welfare, support for domestic violence, a registry of harassment cases, and sexual education programs. Among the officers I've encountered, none are aware of these programs, this research, or have participated in any related exchanges. Within the last 6 years , the CEED website ceased to exist. Homelessness What happens after a favela community is evicted? The area surrounding the Landless Community ( Sem Terra ) of Parque União in the Maré complex has been dealing with instability and evictions since the 1980s. Although the area was developed in the aim of providing affordable housing for vulnerable communities, vulnerability persists. What is the purpose of evictions and demolitions of irregular buildings? And what happens after families are evicted? The latest eviction in 2024 was justified by authorities, and echoed by the media, as being due to the buildings facilitating money laundering for drug trafficking. Although the structures were technically illegal, they were described as "luxurious." Essentially, the residents of these incomplete buildings were not considered vulnerable because they had access to amenities like a swimming pool; as such, they were seen as complicit with or participating in drug trafficking activities. This narrative is crafted to justify deploying the Brazilian Army against its own population, framing it as an attack on Organized Crime rather than on vulnerable Brazilian citizens who are entitled to basic rights like housing and health. Half a year later, many of the 40 homeless families still have nowhere to go, and live on the streets of the community they were evicted from. Sunk in indignity and obviously without access to the luxuries supposedly provided by Organized Crime, fights break out among themselves, weakening the potential for a cohesive resistance movement. It is impossible to organize against the narrative constructed by the authorities to rationalize marginalization when the extent of their marginalization is so severe that even basic survival is not assured. A few meters from the Landless Community, the S pecial Operations Support Center , a military base, was set up to support security operations, monitoring and combating drug trafficking in the region. The presence of the military base, with the promise of protection and order, ends up being yet another source of tension for the residents of the area. Police violence often escalates, with operations that result in indiscriminate actions and structural violence that perpetuates the marginalization of residents. The narrative of public safety, associated with the fight against drug trafficking, overlaps with the reality of a population that is simply seeking a decent way of life, far from criminalization and violence. The lack of effective public housing and health policies for the poorest population creates a vicious cycle, where eviction and violence become everyday life. And when people are forced to leave their homes, often without any kind of support, they find themselves in a constant struggle for survival. With the disintegration of communities and the lack of a support network, resistance becomes increasingly difficult. The State, instead of acting as a facilitator of social inclusion, positions itself as an agent of control and repression, intensifying the already existing inequality. The eviction of the Sem Terra Community of Parque União is not an isolated incident. It is part of a continuous cycle of forced removals that ultimately dismantle the foundations of solidarity, often the only means of resistance available to the residents. Rather than expanding, the resistance movement becomes fragmented in the social chaos brought about by the lack of effective public policies. In view of this, it is necessary for society to look at these issues with a critical eye, recognizing that true security and inclusion are not found in repression, but in concrete actions to provide access to decent housing and health. Only then will communities be able to reorganize themselves and fight for their rights effectively, without being constantly stripped of everything they have, including the integrity of their own bodies. Conclusion We cannot wait for everyone to agree that the Patriarchy and the State are problematic before starting to implement solutions. There has been, and will continue to be, significant resistance to change. Challenging dominant structures is frightening to those who cannot envision their lives or the world without them. This boils down to a complete lack of creativity and just enough privilege for a range of excuses to keep us on a destructive path. Questioning the belief in meritocracy can significantly contribute to changing the narrative so that the term “marginalized” doesn’t carry a negative meaning. Men losing the right to spout hateful language can go a long way toward empowering women to take up space . This shift could lead to meaningful changes in the Military's approach to women in vulnerable areas. As an anarchist, I anticipated reinforcing my opposition to the notion of anyone enlisting in the Armed Forces . Yet, do women truly require more voices dictating their choices? This might be akin to the issue of gay marriage; we first need to legalize it for gay individuals before we can begin to challenge the institution as a whole. Your rights to independence and freedom from harassment, degradation, violence, sexual assault, exploitation, catcalling, eviction, or any other indignity take precedence over their right to express offensiveness and 'traditional masculinity'. After that, we can begin to become everything we want to be. __________________ text: Mirna Wabi-Sabi Based on a research originally published in 2019 .

For years, we have seen Bolsonaro and his supporters waving Israeli and American flags, calling for their victory in the annihilation they continue to incite in Palestine. This phenomenon has been widely explained theologically, based on evangelical biblical teachings. But this explanation is insufficient. Believing in a revelation about the return of Jesus, the judgment of nations, and the coming of the “end” is nothing compared to the disdain shown toward the Arab world by the Christian West. Bolsonaro's demonstration in Copacabana – April 21, 2024 – Photos by Fabio Teixeira It is worth remembering that the contempt that the Christian world has for the “other” is not only directed at Arabs. There is contempt for Africans, Chinese, Indians, Arabs… and the Jewish people as well. Is it coherent to believe that the creation of Israel as a nation was truly God’s will? Or was it a fruit of this hatred, of the racial supremacy rooted in our Christian society? Yes, it is a question of race, more than religion. Supporting a people who exhibit cultural behaviors and values ​​that are supposedly more ‘aligned’ with ours, what in Europe is called a propensity for ‘integration,’ is code for supporting a ‘superior’ society over another, which is ‘inferior.’ In reality, the assumption of this inferiority, or evolutionary backwardness of certain peoples, is one of the most toxic traits of our Christian societies. And this trait is much more latent than any theological or historical knowledge or understanding that people have about anything. It doesn’t matter that not all Arabs are Muslims, it doesn’t matter if we know what year it is in the Islamic calendar, it doesn’t matter that both Muslims and Jews trace their lineage back to Abraham, or that the largest Muslim nation in the world is not even Arab. What matters to this electorate is the advancement of European domination of the world, because it is believed that Europeans (and their descendants) are the most evolved humans. This is what we see in the United States, where the real ‘American’ is the one of European descent. In Brazil, where the true Brazilian is the one with some visible European descent. Jews have been sent by them to front lines in the war of European domination as it advances eastward. In the theological reading of Christian support for the establishment of the Jewish nation in Israel, the advance of European domination in the east means accelerating the return of Jesus and the beginning of the end of the world. At this point, the Jewish people will be saved based on their willingness to… stop being Jewish. Do people who believe that Zionism, and what is being done to Palestine, are God's will also believe that Nazi Germany supported God's will, simply because it (also) decisively influenced the establishment of the Jewish state? Phobia towards Islam and racism against Arabs are practically unanimous motivations amidst various religious divergences, in interpretation of biblical passages, within Christianity. Is it possible to look at the situation we are in now and see an evolution of humanity, compared to thousands of years of religious history? Are white Europeans not capable of barbarism? Bolsonaro's demonstration in Copacabana – March 16, 2025 – Photos by Fabio Teixeira We are witnessing barbarism, a cultural, geopolitical, and religious legacy of thousands of years, yes. But, above all, we are witnessing a paradigm of disintegration of spiritual values ​​that gave life to all these religions in the first place. It is Ramadan. All over the world, Muslims are observing their human and religious values, practicing, as much as possible, charity, discipline, and honoring this divine gift of being alive thanks to Allah, Alhamdulillah . Meanwhile, barbarism continues, is exacerbated, and Bolsonaro supporters raise flags of complete spiritual decline and obliteration of human values. We, from Christian nations, who on one hand claim to defend values ​​of freedom, justice, penance, and forgiveness, witness members of our communities revelling in the brutality of the massacre. In the face of this disgrace, I personally have faith in the Arab world, in its human integrity and religious discipline to forge its path of resistance. وَقَـٰتِلُوهُمْ حَتَّىٰ لَا تَكُونَ فِتْنَةٌۭ وَيَكُونَ ٱلدِّينُ لِلَّهِ ۖ فَإِنِ ٱنتَهَوْا۟ فَلَا عُدْوَٰنَ إِلَّا عَلَى ٱلظَّـٰلِمِينَ ١٩٣ “And fight them until there is no more persecution and religion is for Allah. But if they cease, then let there be no aggression, except against the wrongdoers.” (2:193 Quran) _ Mirna Wabi-Sabi, Plataforma9.

In this podcast, Mirna Wabi-Sabi, founder of the initiative, talks with collaborators and guests about several articles and projects from Plataforma9. EN Colaborações

MATA – mini pocket anthologies – P9 Political analysis articles, pocket book, political theory anthology. 2021 2023 2024 Quick View MATA dos minilagos Price R$39.00 Add to Cart Quick View MATA bolsonarismo Price R$39.00 Add to Cart Quick View MATA bolsonarismo [digital] Regular Price R$9.00 Sale Price R$6.00 Add to Cart Quick View MATA das bruxas Regular Price R$38.00 Sale Price R$29.00 Add to Cart Quick View MATA das bruxas [digital] Regular Price R$9.00 Sale Price R$6.00 Add to Cart

Press release – MATA boslonarismo Mini anthology, anthology of political theory on Bolsonarism. Pocket book. Press-Release: MATA bolsonarismo Brochure 78 pages 110x180x5mm ISBN 9786585267007 Our publisher P9 launches in March 2023 the pre-sale of the book 'MATA Bolsonarismo ’ — the second edition of a mini anthology which includes the article and part of Fabio Teixeira's photographic series, 'The dehumanizing narrative surrounding police killings in Rio de Janeiro ’, aw arded in 2022 in the category of photojournalism at the 39th Journalism Human Rights Award and honorable mention in 44th Vladimir Herzog Prize . The anthology includes the following articles: •Between Balas and Garimpos: The lives of indigenous peoples and black favela residents under the state of exception (by Eduardo Barbosa). •Bolsonarism, Nationalism as a Religion (by Felipe Lott). •Brazil's gun policies mimic those of the US, but have greater class divisions (by Mirna Wabi-Sabi). •The Inefficiencies of Democracy and Police Operations in Favelas (by Mirna Wabi-Sabi). •The Dehumanizing Narrative Around Police Murders in Rio de Janeiro (by Mirna Wabi-Sabi). The first edition of the mini anthology MATA 'Das Bruxas ' came out in 2021, and focused on Silvia Federici’s feminist theory, with an unpublished article by her in Brazil, interviews with her and an article by PROAC-awarded artist Fabiana Faleiros. This year, we chose to analyze the Brazilian Bolsonarist period, because we recognize that to effectively ensure that atrocious political phenomena do not recur, it is necessary to understand how they emerged, and what feeds them. Our work with Fabio Teixeira, one of the founders of Plataforma9, also generated debate on the need to contextualize photojournalistic images, a topic addressed in the article that accompanies and entitles the award-winning photographic series. The virtual launch of 'MATA Bolsonarismo' will take place in the months of March and April , and books sold during the pre-sale will be distributed at the end of May. ABOUT US Plataforma9 is a journalistic initiative that publishes articles and paperbacks in several languages and in several countries. So far we have books in Portuguese, English, Spanish and Indonesian, and we sell in Brazil, United States, United Kingdom, European Union, Australia, Mexico, Peru, Argentina and Chile, and also in Indonesia with a partner publisher called Sabate. We also offer editing, media literacy and copywriting services. Our books are the size of a smartphone , made to be portable, and read anywhere. MATA bolsonarismo R$39.00 Price View Details MATA bolsonarismo [digital] R$9.00 Regular Price R$6.00 Sale Price View Details